Blakeman: 10 reactors in 10 years, substantial revenue for host counties

Nassau County Executive and Republican gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman has outlined an aggressive nuclear expansion plan that would place 10 new reactors online within a decade, with the New York Power Authority tasked with their construction, ownership, and operation.

The proposal pairs that public-power build-out with a commitment to direct a meaningful share of each plant’s top-line electricity revenue to host counties and, where applicable, tribal governments. It also rests on Blakeman’s expectation of preferential access to federal energy-infrastructure funding under a Trump administration and an explicit strategy to attract additional semiconductor manufacturing to Upstate New York on the model of the Micron facility now under construction near Syracuse.

Blakeman has framed the plan as part of an “all-of-the-above” strategy that also includes natural gas development and would prioritize modern reactors—both large light-water designs and advanced or small modular units. By assigning the New York Power Authority the role of developer, owner, and operator, the candidate would place the new capacity under a public authority already experienced in large-scale generation and transmission projects.

NYPA ownership, proponents say, would keep long-term control of the assets inside the state, streamline coordination with the grid, and make the proposed host-community revenue shares easier to structure and enforce. Blakeman has previously supported reopening the shuttered Indian Point plant and argued that reliable baseload nuclear power is essential to cutting utility bills. Gov. Kathy Hochul has likewise endorsed expanding nuclear capacity, though the candidates differ on pace, the role of renewables, and the priority given to fossil fuels.

The federal dimension is central to the financing case.

Blakeman has argued that his alignment with the Trump administration would give New York distinctive access to federal loan guarantees, tax incentives, and other energy-infrastructure mechanisms that have supported nuclear projects elsewhere. Those tools, combined with NYPA’s bonding capacity, are presented as the means to overcome the high capital costs and long development timelines that have constrained prior U.S. reactor construction. Without that federal leverage, the “10 in 10 years” target would be substantially harder to meet; with it, Blakeman contends, the state could move faster than private developers acting alone.

The plan is also tied to industrial recruitment.

Blakeman has said he intends to pursue additional chip-manufacturing facilities in Upstate New York, citing the Micron project in the Syracuse area as proof that large-scale semiconductor investment is feasible when power, water, and workforce conditions align. Semiconductor fabs are among the most electricity-intensive industrial loads; reliable, high-capacity nuclear generation is positioned as a competitive advantage for attracting further plants and for supporting the data-center and advanced-manufacturing growth already under way. The combination of new baseload supply and targeted economic-development efforts, the campaign argues, would strengthen Upstate’s position in national semiconductor and technology supply chains.

New York’s existing nuclear fleet of four operating plants supplies roughly 20 percent of the state’s electricity and has long provided substantial payments in lieu of taxes (PILOTs) to host communities. Before Indian Point’s 2021 closure, the surrounding localities and school districts received on the order of $32 million annually; other plants continue to generate tens of millions in local revenue through negotiated agreements. Blakeman’s pledge would formalize and expand that model for new builds by allocating a fixed percentage of gross electricity sales revenue directly to hosts.

Illustrative projections for a modern large reactor (roughly 1,000–1,200 MW operating at a 90–93 percent capacity factor) show annual electricity generation of approximately 8–9 terawatt-hours. At blended wholesale prices of $60, $80, and $100 per megawatt-hour—ranges that encompass energy plus capacity revenues under varying New York market conditions—top-line annual revenue per reactor would fall in the neighborhood of $480 million to $900 million once fully operational. Applying the proposed host shares produces the following ranges:

  • At 1 percent of top-line revenue: roughly $4.8 million to $9 million per reactor per year.
  • At 3 percent: roughly $14.4 million to $27 million per reactor per year.
  • At 5 percent: roughly $24 million to $45 million per reactor per year.

Across a fleet of 10 reactors, the upper end of the 5 percent scenario could therefore deliver several hundred million dollars annually in combined host-community revenue once all units are online, with the precise total depending on final reactor sizes, capacity factors, and realized market prices. Smaller modular reactors would generate proportionally lower absolute figures but could still produce meaningful local payments if deployed in clusters. The structure would apply to counties hosting the plants and to tribal governments in cases where facilities are sited on or adjacent to tribal lands, or where tribes hold co-ownership or benefit-sharing arrangements.

Proponents argue the revenue-sharing mechanism, delivered through a publicly owned NYPA fleet, would give host communities a direct stake in project success, ease local acceptance, and offset infrastructure demands. Critics note that even with public ownership and federal financing tools, new nuclear projects face lengthy permitting, construction risk, and unresolved waste-management questions. Existing New York nuclear plants already receive state zero-emission credits; any new fleet would likely need continued policy support to reach the assumed revenue levels. The linkage to semiconductor recruitment adds another variable: additional chip plants would increase demand and strengthen the economic case for the reactors, but those facilities themselves depend on separate incentive packages and private investment decisions.

Blakeman’s plan would not replace the need for transmission upgrades or demand-side measures. It does, however, position the New York Power Authority as the vehicle for a publicly owned nuclear expansion, treat federal loan guarantees as a core enabling condition, and connect the power build-out to a broader effort to grow advanced manufacturing Upstate.

Whether the commitment advances depends on electoral outcomes, legislative support for the NYPA mandate and revenue-sharing statutes, successful navigation of federal programs, and the ability to deliver plants and industrial projects on the stated timelines.

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